The
strange story of Tora Bora Jack
Christina Lamb
8 August 2004
The Sunday Times
(c) 2004 Times Newspapers Limited. All rights reserved
A
man is arrested in Afghanistan with eight prisoners in his house,
some hanging from the ceiling. He says he is a US agent: America
brands him an impostor. Christina Lamb unravels the bizarre background
of the ‘torturer’ of Kabul
The
reinforced door with a large combination dial and armed guard looks
like the entrance to a bank vault in a movie. Instead, it opens
into a bar with mirrored ceilings and pink marble walls. From one
wall, a bronze sculpture of the four horsemen of the apocalypse
protrudes alarmingly.
Men
with cropped hair and beards, black bulletproof vests, thickly muscled
forearms and Glock pistols strapped to their thighs sit around,
alternating vodka shots with “green grenades”, the local
term for cans of Heineken.
Female
company is scarce but is sometimes provided by slinky-skirted waitresses
from the nearby Thai restaurant.
The
bar at Kabul’s Mustafa hotel has become the gathering place
for the flotsam of war. Bounty hunters, gem dealers and renegade
militiamen mingle with aid workers, private security guards, war
correspondents and special forces operators. Drink flows heavily
and tempers rise. It is not uncommon to see someone slam a pistol
onto the table.
Often
holding court in the bar until recently was a thick-shouldered 48-year
old from Poughkeepsie, New York, with a tanned face, black beard
and dark shades.
Jonathan
Keith Idema was known to everyone in Kabul as simply Jack.
A
former Green Beret, Idema was a larger-than-life figure -at least
in his own opinion. He claimed to have trained with the SAS in Herefordshire.
He was both a co-writer and the hero of Task Force Dagger, an American
bestseller about the hunt for Osama Bin Laden.
Pictured
on the cover striding through the Afghan desert with his Kalashnikov
slung across his bare chest, he claims in the book to have been
involved in a number of special forces operations.
One of those was the failed attempt in early 2002 to capture Bin
Laden in the mountains of Tora Bora, the last known hiding place
of the Al-Qaeda mastermind.
Afterwards
Idema began calling himself Tora Bora Jack.
Dressed
in a uniform with the stars and stripes on the sleeves, he owned
a selection of weapons that he let excitable journalists pose with.
He became such a well-known local figure that Kabul’s first
cocktail bar named a cocktail after him: $10 buys a Jack’s
Tora Bora Sunset, made of vodka and pomegranate juice.
Tora
Bora Jack has now achieved fame beyond his dreams; but it comes
at the cost of notoriety and a possibly crushing jail sentence.
On Thursday he will make his second appearance in a Kabul court
since Afghan police raided his house last month and found eight
Afghan captives, whom he had allegedly been torturing. Some were
said to be hanging upside down from the ceiling.
Idema
insists he was working with American and Afghan authorities in a
secret counterterrorism operation, but both governments strongly
deny this.
Arrested
along with him were two Americans, one of whom was apparently filming
a biopic: Tora Bora Jack’s Story -the Movie.
He
could never have imagined such a twist in the plot, but the fact
is that Idema’s story is in many ways a saga of modern-day
Kabul.
The
Afghan capital has become a town where nobody knows if anyone is
really what he (or she) claims to be. Many of the regulars at the
Mustafa have nebulous jobs involving some combination of the words
“communications”, “adviser” and “security”.
Conversely,
what seem the most bizarre of cover stories often turn out to be
true.
The
short New Yorker who claimed to be a correspondent for a magazine
called Cat Fancy, writing about the plight of cats in post-Taliban
Kabul, could not be genuine -until he faxed me his surprisingly
moving articles. I discovered he really did have a rescued kitten
in one of the rooms upstairs in the Mustafa. He had named her Queen
Soraya.
Then
there was the Finn setting up a sheep bank in Taliban-plagued Kandahar.
And the eccentric Englishman who wanted to import hair dyes into
Afghanistan and who now runs the country’s first package tours.
The
spider at the centre of Kabul’s strange web of mysterious
characters and wide-eyed innocents is the Mustafa hotel’s
owner, Wais, a fast-talking neurotic Afghan-American from New Jersey
who knows everybody. Americans call him the Fonz of Kabul.
Convinced
that the Northern Alliance are trying to poison his food, Wais keeps
his desk always covered with bottles of vitamin pills and spends
much of his time mooning over his doomed love affair with a German
girl.
In
warmer months he holds famous Thursday-night barbecues on the hotel
roof where guests can sit on the looted seat of a Russian MiG fighter
jet and down Polish vodka shots overlooking central Kabul.
In the street below, four-wheel drives with tinted windows and blank
numberplates speed through the dust, while Chinook helicopters thrum
out the rhythms of Apocalypse Now above.
Afghanistan
has long had a romantic allure. Back in the 1960s it was the main
destination on the hippie trail. Today it attracts a different kind
of adventurer, attracted less by high-grade drugs and more by rewards
ranging from $50m for Bin Laden down to $5m for lesser-known bad
guys.
The
US State Department is offering a total of $340m for the 30 most-wanted
terrorists. It says $57m has already been paid out. Idema was one
of the bounty hunters chasing this money.
My
first encounter with “Jack” was in the Mustafa in December
2001, not long after the Taliban had been ousted from power by the
Americans.
The
hotel had been in the process of being converted into a gem dealers’
market, but when the Taliban fell it was hurriedly changed back
into a hostelry to cash in on all the arriving journalists. Instead
of walls, the rooms still had glass partitions and iron security
grills.
The
Mustafa had no bar then and only very occasional electricity, but
Pounds 100 could secure a bottle of Scotch from the nearby Chelsea
supermarket where Bin Laden and his Arab cohorts used to shop.
With
a 9pm curfew, a shortage of women and an excess of testosterone,
there was nothing to do but drink by the light of hurricane lamps
-and fight. Idema, whom even his friends described as “highly
volatile”, was frequently a participant in these brawls.
There
was a sentimental side to him too. He had featured in an article
in The New York Times about pet owners who think their pets can
be cloned. He said he had saved some genetic material from Sarge,
a dog he used while serving as a soldier. He added that the dog
had parachuted out of planes with him and sniffed out bombs.
Among
the many escapades Idema recounted on long Kabul nights were his
key roles in just about every conflict of the past 20 years from
Bosnia to Haiti. He also casually let slip that he was suing Steven
Spielberg’s company DreamWorks for allegedly basing the hero
of one of his movies on him. The 1997 film, The Peacemaker, stars
George Clooney as a maverick American colonel who tracks down a
Russian smuggling team.
Idema
told us that he had come into Afghanistan with the Northern Alliance,
the Taliban’s enemies, and claimed to have saved hundreds
of Afghan lives with his special forces’ medical training.
The alliance was unsure who he was.
“We
saw him; he seemed to have lots of money but we didn’t know
who he was working for,” said Muslim Hayat, a senior Northern
Alliance commander who is now defence attache at the Afghan embassy
in London. “He was certainly not hired by us.”
For
a while, during the run-up to the war in Iraq, Idema disappeared
from the Mustafa, perhaps to write his book. This year he re-emerged
at the hotel’s newly fitted bar (which had briefly been co-run
as an Irish pub until Wais fell out with his business partner in
a fracas over a boy).
Although
Idema had rented a house and was no longer staying at the hotel,
he would appear most evenings with his dark sunglasses and an Arafat-style
black-and white chequered scarf around his neck -as favoured by
most American special forces.
Usually
he was with a friend called Dan from Arizona who said he worked
in security for telecommunications and carried an AK-47 sprayed
with camouflage paint.
Paul
Vickers, a BBC radio producer, was with them at the bar a few months
ago when Dan decided to give an impromptu knife display. “He
pulled a flick-knife from his belt and did a Jackie Chan kind of
flailing demonstration,” remembers Vickers. “It was
quite a scary moment.” From then on regulars knew the Arizonan
as Dan, Dan the Scary Man.
Another
of Idema’s drinking buddies was David, who worked in satellite
communications for the Americans and who had set up one of the prettiest
Thai waitresses in a beauty salon at the Mustafa.
Often
with them was a square-bearded Belgian cameraman who excitedly told
people he had hired a Soviet Mi-8 helicopter in Islamabad to film
the capture of Bin Laden, which he believed Idema was poised to
carry out.
After
a couple of green grenades, Idema would tell people that he was
leading a group called Task Force Sabre 7, which he said was involved
in a secret mission reporting directly to the office of the US secretary
of defence, Donald Rumsfeld. “We’re closing in on the
last terrorists,” he would whisper dramatically.
Was
he a bounty hunter? A conman fantasist? The leader of a team of
freelance anti-terrorism vigilantes? Or was he really on a top-
secret Pentagon mission?
“I
was suspicious from the word go,” said Vickers. “They
seemed odd and kind of showbizzy, what with their uniforms and the
fact they called themselves Task Force Sabre 7, which is like an
SAS moniker. I’ve been with real SAS and my experience is
they don’t tell you things like that.”
But
given that there really were secret operations involving US special
forces and FBI officials reporting to Rumsfeld’s office -and
there were also plenty of undercover agency people wandering around
Kabul with briefcases of dollars -nobody could be sure what Idema
and co were actually up to.
Afghan
security forces are forbidden from asking for identification from
the many bearded Americans speeding around Kabul in unmarked vehicles.
And not all US operatives seem to know about each other.
Earlier
this year I was at the residence of Hazrat Ali, the army chief in
Jalalabad, when an inter-agency row broke out that almost led to
a fist fight. I heard a local CIA agent demand from an arriving
defence department group: “What are you doing here? This is
our patch.”
Whatever
Idema was up to, it was always entertaining to listen to his stories
of “black ops” and derring-do around the world, and
he generally found an attentive audience. With more than a third
of the country declared a no-go area by the United Nations, few
journalists or aid workers ventured out of Kabul and they loved
to hear his stories. He in turn adored conspiracy theories; he was
a keen reader of The Da Vinci Code.
His
favourite tale was of being involved in operations uncovering “backpack
nukes” in Lithuania in 1992. After the collapse of the Soviet
Union, weapons-grade nuclear material had been pouring into the
hands of international terrorists who were developing a nuclear
backpack that could destroy 40 city blocks when detonated. Idema
claimed to have gained the confidence of the Lithuanian KGB by outshooting
them at the firing range then out-drinking them in the officers’
bar afterwards.
Every
so often he would disappear from the Mustafa on a “top- secret
mission”. Vickers saw Idema and Dan head off on one such adventure
and then come back with lots of photographs.
“They
were complete with kneepads, elbow pads, M16s, RPGs, grenades, AKSUs,
radios, the works. What they did I don’t know, but it involved
hiring camels and lots of photo opportunities firing weapons.”
Then
a month ago a strange e-mail was sent out to journalists by the
press office of the American-led coalition forces in Kabul. It declared:
“US citizen Jonathan, Keith or Jack Idema has allegedly represented
himself as an American government and/or military official and the
public should be aware that Idema does not represent the American
government and we do not employ him.”
Wanted
posters began appearing all over Kabul, describing him as “armed
and dangerous” and accusing him of “interfering with
military ops”.
On
July 5, after a drunken punch-up outside the Mustafa, his home was
raided.
Someone
had betrayed him.
Inside
the green-painted house in a run-down suburb of Kabul, Afghan police
were astonished to find a private prison.
There
was an office with two clocks, one showing the time in Kabul and
the other the time in Fort Bragg, North Carolina, where the US special
forces have their headquarters. A piece of paper pinned to the wall
was headed “Missions to Complete”. Number two was “Karzai”.
Number four was “Pick up Laundry”.
Idema
was arrested with two other Americans, Brent Bennett and Edward
Caraballo, and four Afghans working as cook, guard and translators.
Caraballo is a film-maker. All of them are currently being held
in the jail of the Afghan national directorate of security. They
are in cells 15ft by 10ft, sleeping on pallets on the floor.
The
prosecutor in the case, Mohd Naeem Dawari, said after visiting Idema
that he found him crying. “I don’t think he is crazy,”
he said. “He is a proud person.”
Tora
Bora Jack now faces his most serious mission to date: to avoid conviction
in an Afghan court for running his own personal Abu Ghraib. He faces
five charges: taking hostages, having a private jail, torture, robbery
of vehicles, and entering the country without a visa. If convicted,
he could receive a sentence of up to 20 years.
At
his first court appearance two weeks ago he turned up in his usual
outfit of desert boots, khaki combat pants, dark glasses and a shirt
with American flags on the shoulders.
“We
were working for the US anti-terrorism group. We were working with
the Pentagon and some other federal agencies,” he told reporters
crowded round the dock. “We were in direct contact with Rumsfeld’s
office five times a day, every day.”
The
Pentagon denied it. A Defence Department spokesman said Idema had
been discharged from the US military in 1984 and had had no connection
since. “This group of American citizens does not represent
the American government and we do not employ or sponsor them,”
the spokesman said.
But
Idema’s lawyer, John Tiffany, said he had video evidence,
audiotape and e-mails that “go to the highest levels”
to prove his claims of being part of a covert anti-terrorist outfit.
Robert
Fogelnest, lawyer for one of the other two Americans arrested, claimed
all three were being made scapegoats to divert attention from the
recent uncovering of the abuse of prisoners by American military
in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Idema
admitted detaining prisoners in his house but said they were Taliban
and Al-Qaeda suspects whom he intended to hand over to US and Afghan
authorities.
His
captives told the court they had been held for days in shackles.
They claimed they had been kicked and beaten, had had scalding water
poured on them before being dunked in ice water, and at times had
lost consciousness.
Abdul
Baset Bakhtiari, the lead judge on the three-member panel, told
me he had personally inspected the prisoners and witnessed the evidence
of torture. “They do not belong to Osama Bin Laden and he
beat them,” he said. “I have seen their bodies. There
were red marks on their wrists and they were burned.”
American
and Afghan officials are still investigating how many other Afghan
citizens Idema may have detained, and whether any have been harmed.
The
story does not end here. Last week embarrassed officials from the
Nato-led peacekeeping force admitted that they had assisted in three
of Idema’s raids this spring. They said his uniform, with
its American flags, had duped them into thinking he was military.
Equally
embarrassingly, the US military has itself admitted that it had
dealings with Idema as recently as May. Idema claims he handed over
a Taliban intelligence chief after single-handedly breaking up a
plot to assassinate members of the Afghan cabinet. The military
confirm that they did receive a prisoner from Idema, but he was
not a top Taliban official.
Idema’s
military records are perhaps the best indication of the truth. They
show that he spent three years in the US 10th Special Forces Group
as a radio operator until 1978 and then six more years in the reserves.
Although some special forces members have been called back from
retirement since 9/11, it seems unlikely someone who had not seen
active service for so long would be recalled.
In
fact the only kind of combat Idema had definitely been involved
in over the past 20 years is paintball. He once ran a magazine called
Paintball Planet and produced equipment such as combat helmets.
Court
records show that he also notched up a string of convictions and
charges, including assault and resisting arrest. In 1994 he was
convicted in Fayetteville, North Carolina, of wire fraud and faking
credit reports to keep alive his sinking company. He spent four
years in prison, claiming all the time that the FBI had stitched
him up because he had refused to reveal his sources in the Lithuanian
KGB.
Some
believe that given the failure of the 20,000 US forces on the ground
in Afghanistan to find the distinctively tall Bin Laden or even
the Taliban’s one-eyed former leader, Mullah Omar. in the
past three years, characters such as Idema should be encouraged
rather than tried.
But
among his strongest critics are serving members of the special forces.
They claim plans are already in place for him to be extradited to
Fort Bragg and prosecuted.
“We
are fed up with all these adventurers,” said one. “No
Afghan is going to trust us that we are who we say after this. And
if he really is working for the Pentagon, then it looks like he
is going to fall on his sword.”
The
Afghan judge supervising Idema’s case in Kabul is in a quandary:
he finds himself admiring the mystery man.
“I’d
like to be like Jack, because he is a very brave man,” said
Bakhtiari. “I understand he had fought terrorism and I’m
sorry he has been arrested. I feel the government of Afghanistan
could have done more with him.”
Bakhtiari
added: “The reason I can say nice things about him is because
when I met him he was very courteous and understood our customs.”
He
said Idema had told him privately that he did not work for the government
or any organisation but received money from wealthy people to fight
terrorists.
“I
see the future of Jack as very dark,” said Bakhtiari. “I
know he is a good man but at that time he was bad and that is what
is so disappointing. Until the government or the CIA says he worked
for them I don’t know what to think.”
(C)
Times Newspapers Ltd, 2004 |